A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF URBAN AND RURAL REALITY TV VIEWERSHIP PATTERNS OF WHO WANTS TO BE A MILLIONAIRE IN NIGERIA
Osakue Stevenson Omoera
Department of English and Communication Studies. Faculty of Humanities, Federal University Otuoke, Bayelsa State, Nigeria.
omoera@yahoo.com
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1086-7874
Isaac L. Ihekwoaba
Department of Theatre & Media Studies. Gregory University, Uturu, Nigeria.
firebrandzac@gmail.com
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5950-7418
RECIBIDO: Junio 2022
ACEPTADO: Agosto 2022
PUBLICADO: Septiembre 2022
| Como citar: Omoera, Osakue Stevenson; Ihekwoaba, Isaac. (2022). A comparative study of urban and rural reality tv viewership patterns of who wants to be a millionaire in Nigeria. Telos: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Ciencias Sociales, 24 (3), Venezuela. (Pp. 799-818). DOI: https://doi.org/10.36390/telos243.21 |
ABSTRACT
Socio-economic tastes of urban and rural reality television (Reality TV) viewers appear diverse and may account for divergent lifestyles, especially concerning media exposure. This article investigated comparatively the viewership levels of Reality TV shows by urban and rural dwellers in Rivers State, Nigeria, using Who Wants to be a Millionaire as a fulcrum of analysis and discussion. Relevant data were gathered from 387 respondents, using a questionnaire that was designed, validated, and randomly administered in Port Harcourt Local Government Area (PHALGA), Obio-Akpor Local Government Area (OBALGA), and Emuoha Local Government Area (EMULGA), which were purposively selected as PHALGA and OBALGA constituted the cosmopolitan areas while EMULGA was regarded as a rural setting in Rivers State of Nigeria. Using Motivational Theory and the Entertainment-Education (EE) concept, the article employed quantitative and qualitative methods to examine the perception of reality television (Reality TV) by urban and rural dwellers and the influence the programme has on them. Data generated were analyzed and revealed that there was a significant difference in urban and rural viewership patterns of reality television. The conclusion reached is that the programme was perceived positively as indicated by its broad-based audience and its very educational content.
Key words: urban and rural dwellers, Nigeria, viewing patterns, reality tv programmes, perception, Who Wants to be a Millionaire, sponsorship communication, entertainment-education.
Estudio comparativo de patrones de audiencia de Reality TV urbanas y rurales de Quién Quiere ser Millonario en Nigeria
RESUMEN
Los gustos socioeconómicos de los espectadores de reality shows urbanos y rurales (Reality TV) parecen diversos y pueden explicar los estilos de vida divergentes, especialmente con respecto a la exposición a los medios. Este artículo investigó comparativamente los niveles de audiencia de los programas de telerrealidad de los habitantes urbanos y rurales en el estado de Rivers, Nigeria, utilizando Quién quiere ser millonario como punto de apoyo del análisis y la discusión. Se recopilaron datos relevantes de 387 encuestados mediante un cuestionario diseñado, validado y administrado aleatoriamente en el Área de Gobierno Local de Port Harcourt (PHALGA), el Área de Gobierno Local de Obio-Akpor (OBALGA) y el Área de Gobierno Local de Emuoha (EMULGA), que fueron intencionalmente seleccionado como PHALGA y OBALGA constituían las áreas cosmopolitas, mientras que EMULGA se consideraba un entorno rural en el estado de Rivers de Nigeria. Usando la teoría motivacional y el concepto de entretenimiento-educación (EE), el artículo empleó métodos cuantitativos y cualitativos para examinar la percepción de la televisión de realidad (Reality TV) por parte de los habitantes urbanos y rurales y la influencia que el programa tiene sobre ellos. Los datos generados se analizaron y revelaron que había una diferencia significativa en los patrones de audiencia urbana y rural de la televisión de realidad. La conclusión a la que se llega es que el programa fue percibido positivamente como lo indica su amplia audiencia y su contenido muy educativo.
Palabras clave: habitantes urbanos y rurales, Nigeria, patrones de visualización, reality shows, percepción, Quién quiere ser millonario, comunicación de patrocinio, entretenimiento-educación.
Introduction
Socio-economic differences exist in every society, and these differences range from disposable income available to the generality of the people regardless of where they dwell. Generally, urban residents are more exposed to social amenities and tend to spend more on social goods such as entertainment, telecommunication, etc., which make life more fulfilling compared to rural dwellers (Raphael, 2009). The urban and rural dichotomy concept is primarily characterized by the level of development and infrastructural facilities available in an environment. Dovetailing with this is the level of exposure to media content. While urban inhabitants tend to be the more enlightened and up-to-date regarding what is trending as they consume a wider variety of media content via cable TV, smartphones, or over-the-top (OTT) platforms, the rural dwellers are more likely to be at home with terrestrial television contents.
Reality TV programmes in Nigeria are usually transmitted on both paid Cable TV and terrestrial television channels (Oregon State University, 2010; Aston, 2014) but mostly on the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) network and syndicated on some privately-owned television stations or local TVs. Reality TV content is mainly sponsored by multinational conglomerates as marketing tools or for image laundering as smaller firms can hardly shoulder the huge financial burden that comes with such sponsorships (Nabi et al., 2003; Yang, 2014; Wilfred et al., 2019; Arah, 2020). Reality TV programmes such as Big Brother Naija, Who Wants to be a Millionaire, Maltina Dance All, Project Fame, Nigeria Idol, Gulder Ultimate Search, Star Quest, and Dawn in the Creeks, among others, have had a huge audience following in the Nigerian media ecosystem. While some (e.g., Star Quest, Peak Sing for Fame) have been rested by their organisers, others have been repackaged and reinvented (e.g., Gulder Ultimate Search, Big Brother Naija, Who Wants to be a Millionaire).
As part of sponsorship communication, Reality TV programmes have generated conversations, discussions, arguments, and criticisms for ill or good in the public domain in Nigeria (Usua and Azubike, 2008; Okhale, 2012; Bada, 2019; Wilfred et al., 2019; Arah, 2020; Iyorza, 2021). Regardless of this, Reality TV programmes are increasingly popular among Nigerians (Usua and Azubike, 2008; Okhale, 2012; Omego, Ihejirika, and Ihekwoaba, 2014; Yahaya and Jonah, 2019). It is, therefore, imperative to understand the Reality TV viewing patterns of audiences in Nigeria. This article specifically tried to understand the Reality TV viewing patterns of urban and rural audiences in Rivers State, Nigeria, using Who Wants to be a Millionaire as a pivot of analysis and discussion. Empirical research on Reality TV programmes is only emerging and studies that address both rural and urban viewers in Nigeria are scarce. According to empirical research on Reality TV, viewers thought the "genuine" aspect of the genre was somewhat manufactured and had less educational content (Olaniran, 2021, p.24). Some have criticized Reality TV shows for their lack of morality and for exploiting the contestants. Others, though, believe that the shows speak to the fundamental human urge for authenticity and truth (Peyser, 2001; Calvert, 2004). Therefore, this article aims to contribute to knowledge with some findings in gauging viewership and providing empirical data that can help us better understand the Reality TV phenomenon in Nigeria. The viewership level of Reality TV shows among urban and rural dwellers has grown exponentially worldwide, particularly in Nigeria (Omego, Ihejirika, and Ihekwoaba, 2014; Das et al., 2021; Olaniran, 2021). Many corporate organizations have taken advantage of its popularity to arouse and strengthen their marketing efforts and corporate image management.
Huge funds are employed both for the production of content and media placement. Juxtaposing urban and rural viewers with the associated challenges of rural dwellers, such as lack of electricity, low spectrum coverage of terrestrial television, low literacy level, high cost of cable TV subscription, etc., it appears that Who Wants to be a Millionaire is jaundiced and skewed towards the elites. Consequently, with the huge financial budget and investment, how does the programme affect both urban and rural viewers? Are there benefits derived from viewing the Reality TV programme? It is in this context that this article, among other things, investigated the aforementioned issues. The specific objectives were to 1. compare the level of viewership of Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV show among urban and rural dwellers; 2. analyse the urban and rural dwellers' perception of Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV programme, and 3. examine the influence of Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV programme on the attitudes of urban and rural dwellers. To do this, the following research questions were raised: 1. Comparatively, what is the level of viewership of Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV show among urban and rural dwellers? 2. What is the perception of Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV show by urban and rural viewers? 3. How does Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV programme influence the attitudes of urban and rural dwellers?
Theoretical Premise
This study was premised on the motivational theory and the entertainment-education concept. The choice of these was borne out of the fact that people engage in certain activities because of the gains that will accrue to them from such ventures. Many participants in Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV game show do so because of the monetary benefits that will result from their participation (Yang, 2014). Research has shown that people watch television programmes, especially dramas and other entertainment programmes because of the entertainment values evinced not necessarily because of the lessons that may be learned, but inadvertently certain educational values in the course of watching the programmes that may be imbibed (Singhal and Rogers, 1999; Servaes, 2002; Razak-Olajide and Yahaya, 2003; Aston, 2014; Oregon State University, 2010). According to psychologists, motivation is the drive that starts, guides, and maintains goal-oriented behaviour. They emphasize that forces—which may be biological, social, emotional, or cognitive—are what motivates people to behave the way they do (Nabi et al., 2003). The forces of 'needs' and 'wants' make people do certain things in an attempt to satisfy the basic requirements and necessities of life. The reward is another source of motivation, which from an employer's point of view, is given for certain actions (behavior) taken by the employee. This may come in the form of raises, and bonuses, among other incentives, which satisfy the needs and wants of the employee. Therefore, it is only natural that many people participate in promotions, competitions, and games such as Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV show for the monetary rewards that meet their needs.
Because of the economic downturn of many developing countries like Nigeria, many citizens had to engage in various means of livelihood to make ends meet. The promotional programmes of many corporate organizations appear to have provided the populace with escape routes from economic hardship in the form of gifts, monetary rewards, holiday trips, houses, and career support, among others (Wilfred et al., 2019). Scholars say there are marked differences in people's tendency to think or worry about money and that different people value money for different reasons. Some people value money as a means to power, freedom, security, or love. Research shows that different values are differently linked to engagements. Some of such values are income goals based on pursuing power, narcissism, or overcoming self-doubt (Chamorro-Premuzic, 2013). Television with its audio-visual appeal, is a veritable instructional tool for providing education through entertainment. It is, therefore, an indispensable instrument in the hands of educators. Entertainment-Education (EE) seeks an interdependence of each other to bring about positive changes in the knowledge and skills acquisition of the target audience of a programme (Singhal and Rogers, 1999).
Entertainment-Education, variously referred to as enter-educate, infotainment, and edutainment (Servaes, 2002), is "the process of purposely designing and implementing a media message both to entertain and educate to increase audience members' knowledge, about an educational issue, create a favourable attitude and change overt behavior (Razak-Olajide and Yahaya, 2003). The Reality TV show, Who Wants to be a Millionaire, is arguably built around entertainment and educational values that are hinged on a reward. The entertainment value is moored on the humour and suspense provided by the programme, while the educational value is derived from the different subject matters covered in each episode of the show that helps to broaden the viewers' horizons. While people enjoy the entertainment provided by the show, they inadvertently learn certain lessons even as they are motivated by monetary rewards.
Reality TV Programmes and the Economics of Sponsorship
"Reality TV is a genre of television programming that documents purportedly unscripted real-life situations, often starring unfamiliar people rather than professional actors" (Danesi, 2009, p.250). Today, reality television (Reality TV) has shown tremendous popularity and acceptance by Nigeria's viewing public leading to frequent exposure to one genre or the other on television networks such as the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), the African Independent Television (AIT), and the Silver Bird Television (SBT), among others. Some decades ago, there were none. It can be intellectually satisfying to find out how this category of media content with such glaring low production values and dependence on daring, emotional depictions of what is intended to be perceived as drama became such a widespread feeling. At its inception, reality television was meant to educate rather than entertain, but as time went on, the genre began to evolve into a force to be reckoned with; there was a fundamental shift from programming rooted in investigative journalism to documentaries of diversion and display (Nabi et al., 2003; Shamsi, Bassi, 2016), 2006; Baltruschat, 2009).
During the 1980s, two things happened that changed the face of television forever: the popularity of both home VCR players and the use of cable. For the first time in American history, viewers were able to hone in on what they were interested in and were not limited to the same ten channels everyone else was watching. The shifting of viewers' position leads to a loss of network ratings due to a dissolution of their once very stable demographics. Advertisers began to spread their dollars a little more thinly with the big four networks, and the television programming climate became even more competitive. Producers wanted to spend less and get more (Chester et al., 1971; Bittner, 1989). When MTV's Real World had its debut in 1992, television viewers and producers alike were given their first glimpse into the reality television genre, and they liked it. In essence, reality television was a perfect fit for a sector of the United States of America (USA) industry that was attempting to discover methods to decrease costs at the time. Reality TV does an excellent job of hiding its talent so it can pay its team less (Palmer, 2021). He makes the argument that not only are reality shows produced more affordably, but they also allow for better product placements, which unintentionally bring in money for the television networks. Although reenactments required some expenses for on-location shooting, going on the scene was often less costly than renting studio space (Palmer, 2021).
Furthermore, television formulae began to evolve during this period in the USA (Raphael, 2009). ABC, NBC, CBS, and Fox were subject to the introduction of cable programming and more independent stations. Alongside the on-air competition, the rise of the VCR and VHS tape (for recording) began to alter the monopoly television networks once had. The audiences that had previously chosen between four networks suddenly were introduced to a variety of niche channels and syndication that fragmented the networks' viewers. Suddenly advertisers were less interested in dominating network TV. A significant loss of cash flow can also be attributed to network buyouts: less cited causes for production budget cuts included the high levels of corporate debt incurred by the big three networks after each was sold in the mid-1980s (Campbell et al., 2007; Raphael, 2009). With the introduction of serious debt to the network agenda, producers began to scramble. How could they bring back their audiences for cheap?
The final blow to the networks was a change in legislation on taxing that led to producers having to commit more money to projects than when producers were able to deduct 6.7 per cent of the cost of their production from their federal tax bills (Campbell et al., 2007; Raphael, 2009). Financial loopholes that had once allowed television producers to cut costs were no longer an option. Of course, reality television's growth was not solely driven by the economy. Reality TV shows are appealing to networks because they are much cheaper to make than dramas or sitcoms and allow the networks to create 'stars' that they can manipulate in ways that they could never exploit or control professional actors. Cheap production and the advent of an easy vessel for ridicule played equally important roles in the genre's appeal.
"Confronted with rapidly rising above-the-line production costs, producers took it out on below-the-line labour and sought cheaper forms of programming" (Raphael, 2009, p. 127). This explains why reality television is so popular. The idea of Reality TV does not seem to necessitate many of the most paid above-the-line staff on ordinary television shows. The talent, while they are paid, are not well-known acting superstars. Lead writers are replaced with 'story editors' who do less and are paid less. Directors are generally removed from the show entirely. While this may have been the general nature of the business during the late 1980s and early 1990s, the reasons the industry was losing money are a little more specific. The catalyst in television's turn towards reality programming was an increase in the cost of creating shows. The primary reason these shows began to cost more was the inflation of big-name positions on the show. Furthermore, prices were driven up primarily by "above-the-line" costs such as talent, direction, scriptwriting, music composition, computer animation, and location costs (Campbell et al., 2007; Raphael, 2009). "People wanted tried and true talent on their favourite television programmes, greater demand for stars created an artificial labour shortage and inflated salaries for the lucky few" (Raphael, 2009). What followed was a revolution in the way networks sought new programming, but Reality TV itself merits attention, not only in terms of how global enterprises relate to national companies but also how new relations influence production practices as well as output.
Reality television has assumed "primetime programming status" (Danesi, 2009). At a time, depending on its need, a company has four broad sponsorship categories to choose from – team sponsorship, event sponsorship, and social sponsorship or broadcast sponsorship (Jobber, 2004; Cornwell and Roy, 2004; Simmons and Becker-Olsen, 2006). Historically, the development of reality shows and their symbiotic relationship with sponsorship and advertising started first on radio in 1947 when Alan Funt produced Candid Microphone. This was later developed into a television programme in 1948 and called Candid Camera (Danesi, 2009). Both pioneering serials created artificial realities to see how ordinary people would respond or react without pretence in their natural environment (Hirschorn, 2007). Later, Reality TV shows started exploring other genres. First were game shows. Several Who am I game shows were accommodated in the then ponderous early TV technology, which brought people to the studio for a live broadcast.
Among early appearances were What's my Line which premiered in 1950, I've got a Secret in 1952, and Tell the Truth in 1956. These game shows are nothing compared to today's quality that set the stage for brand-linked sponsorships and promotions (Cornwell, 1995; Cornwell et al., 2005). Over time other genres and sub-genres have emerged and some corporate organizations discovered that leveraging such programmes could further their marketing efforts. "The beneficial elements of reality television are the presence of information, entertainment, novelty, and instant gratification. Reality TV shows in most countries have achieved previously unmatched levels of viewers' interest and fame. In effect, such shows have created 'brands' around themselves and many brands use such influence for marketing purposes" (Mukherjee and Roy, 2003). The Nigerian experience as earlier noted has been very revolutionary as Reality TV programmes are now a dominant genre in television programming in Nigeria. Wilfred et al. (2019) affirm that the popularity of the shows is such that television stations and networks find themselves scrambling to place more reality programmes on air to keep up with audience demands. The driving force of reality programming lies in the fact that it places the audience member on the entertainment arena's opposite side, providing all viewers with the possibility of becoming potential entertainers, as in the case of Big Brother Africa and Gulder Ultimate Search. Where the audience members are allowed to vote out contestants and vote in an evicted contestant whom they would like to see back in the show. This way, the audience participates effectively in determining who should entertain them. The growing popularity of the reality genre invites questions regarding its utility and consequences for audiences. Table 1 displays some genres of Reality TV shows and their sponsors on various Nigerian television stations/networks.
Table 1:
Genres of Reality TV Shows and Sponsors in Nigeria
| Genre | Reality TV Show | Brand/Sponsor |
|---|---|---|
| Adventure | Gulder Ultimate Search | Gulder Beer/NBL |
| Game Show | Who Wants to be a Millionaire | MTN |
| Dance/Choreography | Maltina Dance All | Maltina/NBL |
| All Malta Treat Dance | Malta Guinness | |
| Music/Song | Peak Sing for Fame | Peak Milk/WAMCO |
| Star Quest | Star Beer/NBL | |
| Nigerian Idol | Etisalat/Pepsi | |
| Project Fame | MTN | |
| X-Factor | Globacom | |
| Business/Investment | Dragon's Den | UBA |
| The Apprentice Africa | Troyka Group | |
| Housemates/Drama | Big Brother Naija | Mnet |
Source: Field Work by Authors
Reality TV Show and Urban/Rural Viewership
Television (TV) is considered a major source of information, education, entertainment, and knowledge acquisition for both urban and rural dwellers in contemporary society (Steinberg, 1972; Campbell et al., 2007; Omoera, 2010a; 2010b; 2010c; Moinuddin, 2017). It has become part and parcel of people's everyday lives. Television is a foremost source of information and education, but a greater number of the populace arguably consumes television content for entertainment purposes. Television has, therefore, established its status as an affordable and knowledgeable platform of entertainment for the populace, especially those belonging to low-income brackets and even those who may be illiterate or semi-literate. Audiences are a vital component in the economics of television viewership. Over time the viewership of television, cable, and satellite channels has grown tremendously while the amount of time that people spend viewing television has not risen proportionately due to the demand for more content not equating with the slow supply of programming (Picard, 2002).
The audience is not the population as a whole; it is those who choose to select a channel or programme to view. Audiences use these channels or programmes and various communications to satisfy their wants and needs for information and ideas, and each audience member individually goes about a different way to satisfy these wants and needs. However, a part of the economic model of lowest cost for highest profit depends on the audience reception of Reality TV. If no one is watching the shows, they will not be profitable. So, it has become increasingly clear that these programmes are dominating because people are watching and patronizing them regularly. This development allows television networks such as the NTA and SBT to create longevity with Reality TV programmes and gain viewers' loyalty when the shows stay on the air for multiple seasons.
Methodology
Research design: This study used a mixed-methods research design. When using a mixed-method approach, research questions were addressed by combining qualitative and quantitative methods in a single study. The research technique used was a cross-sectional survey. The cross-sectional survey involves generating questions, and collecting responses from a single point in time, the data is analyzed, and a conclusion is drawn. It also helped to establish variables and relationships because it attempts to describe or document current conditions or attitudes that explain what exists at the moment (Wimmer and Dominick, 2011). The historical-analytic and direct observation modalities of qualitative research were used to supplement those mentioned above. This combination of methods, therefore, allowed us to examine various variables and phenomena (demographics, psychographics, motives, intentions and attitudes) of the population under investigation. "It involved a process of crosschecking the findings derived from both quantitative and qualitative research methods to validate research findings" (Deacon et al., 1998; Omoera, 2015).
The population of the study: Population, according to Wimmer and Dominick (2011) is a group or class of subjects, variables, concepts, or phenomena found in a specified geographical location. The total population of Rivers State, according to the 2006 National Census was 5,198,716 (National Population Commission [NPC], 2006). However, for this study, three localities: Port Harcourt Local Government Area (PHALGA) and Obio-Akpor Local Government Area (OBALGA), and Emuoha Local Government Area (EMULGA), were purposively selected. The total population of the chosen localities was 840, 261(National Population Commission [NPC], 2006).
Sample and sampling technique: The sample size of 400 using Yamane's formula was taken from PHALGA, OBALGA, and EMULGA. They were purposively selected because PHALGA and OBALGA formed the core metropolitan areas of Rivers State, while EMULGA was considered a hinterland. This choice was necessary to have a good representation of both urban and rural areas to facilitate the generalization of the findings to the population of this study. A multistage sampling model was used, and specific locations were randomly chosen from the wards of the three local government areas (LGAs). In the wards, a systematic random sampling of one of every three households was chosen for sampling. The samples were distributed equally among the three LGAs to have a gauge and obtain appropriate responses from respondents as shown in Tables 2 and 3:
Table 2:
Wards/Communities in PHALGA, OBALGA and EMOLGA
| PHALGA | OBALGA | EMULGA | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| WARD | COMMUNITY | WARD | COMMUNITY | WARD | COMMUNITY |
| 2 | Ogbunabali | 8 | Rumumasi | 1 | Rumuoro/Okporo/Ahai |
| 6 | Ibimina-Polo (Town) | 12 | Rumuigbo/Omoi Orosi | 4 | Rumuche/Ngbuitanwo/Ngbueto |
| 10 | Nkpolu (Diobu) | 13 | Rumuokwuta/Rumuola/Rumuadolu | 6 | Ibaa |
| 20 | Azuabie/Abuloma | 15 | Ekini/Osi/Choba/Aloguu | 7 | Ndele |
| Total 4 wards | SAMPLE SIZE= 134 | Total 4 wards | SAMPLE SIZE= 133 | Total 4 wards | SAMPLE SIZE =133 |
Source: Field Work by Authors
Table 3:
Population of PHALGA, OBALGA and EMOLGA
| Frequency | Percentage Frequency% | |
|---|---|---|
| The population of PHALGA, OBALGA, and EMOLGA, according to the 2006 census | 840, 261 | 100 |
| Sample size | 400 | 100 |
| Total copies of the questionnaire administered | 400 | 100 |
| From Obio-Akpor LGA From Port Harcourt LGA From Emuoha LGA Total copies of the questionnaire retrieved |
129 128 130 387 |
96.75 |
| Total copies of questionnaire not retrieved | 13 | 3.25 |
| Total copies of the questionnaire valid | 378 | 94.5 |
| Total copies of questionnaire not valid | 9 | 2.25 |
Source: Field Work by Authors
Reliability of the measuring instrument: For any measuring instrument to be reliable, it must be dependable, stable, and consistent over time. These elements may not be evident until the instrument goes through pre-testing to determine its stability, internal consistency, and equivalency. Stability refers to the consistency of the result or of a measure at different points in time (Wimmer and Dominick, 2011). The test-retest method was used to test the reliability of the instrument. The same people were used at different points in time, and the coefficient between the two scores was computed. The correlation coefficient statistical tool was applied for analysis. If, therefore, the rxx approaches +1 it indicates that a person's score at time A was similar to his/her score at time B, showing consistency over time. In this study, 20 subjects were tested and re-tested within a space of two weeks in Rumuokwuta, Obio-Akpor Local Government Area. Pearson product-moment correlation formula was used in calculating r. The result was positive and showed that the correlation coefficient was high, indicating a strong relationship and consistency over time. Therefore, the research instrument was reliable for the study.
Method of data collection: Copies of the questionnaire were administered to the respondents in the selected local government areas (LGAs) wards. However, this study kept a contingency questionnaire mortality rate very low. A 5% drop-out rate was observed by the prediction of unforeseen circumstances that eventually brought returned questionnaire to 387. A face-to-face approach was adopted in administering the questionnaire that ensured that proper responses to the items were obtained.
Result and Discussion
The data obtained used both descriptive and inferential statistics. Both sections of the questionnaire used weighted mean scores and simple percentages in determining the values of the responses and presented in tables, bar charts, and line graphs to show the relationships between the various categories as they relate to the research questions. Weighted mean scores (WMS) were used to justify using the Likert scale that aided the measurability of the responses. This helped to establish the benchmark of 3.00 as the decision point whether the measured component was positive or negative. To determine the weighted mean score, the following formula was used:
Figure 1:
Bar Chart Showing Gender of both Urban and Rural Respondents
Source: Drawn from Questionnaire Analysis by the Authors
Figure 2:
Bar Chart Showing Education of both Urban and Rural Respondents
Source: Drawn from Questionnaire Analysis by the Authors
Figure1 shows the obtained result from the field indicated that the cumulative frequency for PHALGA, OBALGA, and EMULGA was 180 or 47.6% for female respondents and 198 or 52.4% for male. This result implies that there are more male viewers of Reality TV shows than females. It also shows that there was a marginal preponderance of males at 4.8% more than the female respondents in the localities under investigation, and it confirms the notion that more males participate in the programme.
Figure 2 indicates that the respondents with tertiary education have a cumulative frequency of 219, representing 58% of the sample size. Those with secondary education were 25.4%, while non-formal education stood at 12.1%. This suggests that the majority of those who watch and participate in the programme were those with tertiary education. This is evident by the type of questions asked in the Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV programme and the responses by hot-seat contestants, fast-fingers, and those sitting in the audience. It also implies that the illiterate and semi-literate viewers who form the bulk of the non-formal education group (12.1%) are virtually left out since the level of knowledge displayed in the questions and the entire programme content did not take cognizance of this group.
Table 4:
Audience Viewing Habits of Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV among Port Harcourt, Obio-Akpor and Emuoha Dwellers
| PHALGA | OBALGA | EMULGA | ||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | ||||||||||||||||
| 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | Total | 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | Total | ||
| FQ | 62 | 134 | 93 | 56 | 33 | 378 | 130 | 156 | 38 | 31 | 23 | 30 | 15 | 23 | 20 | 290 | 378 | |
| % | 16.4 | 35.4 | 24.6 | 14.8 | 8.8 | 100 | 34.4 | 41.3 | 10 | 8.2 | 6.1 | 7.9 | 3.9 | 6.1 | 5.2 | 76.7 | 100 | |
| W | 310 | 536 | 279 | 112 | 33 | 1473 | 650 | 624 | 114 | 62 | 23 | 150 | 60 | 69 | 40 | 290 | 609 | |
| WMS | 3.8 | 3.9 | 1.6 | |||||||||||||||
| Res. Result | Positive | Positive | Negative | |||||||||||||||
Table 5:
Perception of Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV by Urban and Rural Viewers
| PHALGA | OBALGA | EMULGA | |||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | |||||||||||||||||
| 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | Total | 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | Total | 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | Total | ||
| FQ | 122 | 95 | 72 | 68 | 21 | 378 | 120 | 166 | 46 | 31 | 15 | 378 | 28 | 16 | 27 | 29 | 278 | 378 | |
| % | 32.3 | 25.1 | 19 | 18 | 5.6 | 100 | 31.7 | 44 | 12.1 | 8.2 | 4 | 100 | 7.4 | 4.3 | 7.1 | 7.7 | 73.5 | 100 | |
| W | 310 | 536 | 279 | 112 | 33 | 1473 | 600 | 664 | 138 | 62 | 15 | 1479 | 140 | 64 | 81 | 58 | 278 | 621 | |
| WMS | 3.8 | 3.9 | 1.64 | ||||||||||||||||
| Res. Result | Positive | Positive | Negative | ||||||||||||||||
Table 6:
Influence of Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV on the Attitudes of Urban and Rural Dwellers
| PHALGA | OBALGA | EMULGA | ||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | Viewing Frequency/Likert Scale | ||||||||||||||||
| 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | Total | 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | Total | 5 days/wk | 4 days/wk | 3 days/wk | 2 days/wk | 1 day/wk | Total | |
| FQ | 122 | 95 | 72 | 68 | 21 | 378 | 120 | 166 | 46 | 31 | 15 | 378 | 53 | 143 | 76 | 75 | 31 | 378 |
| % | 32.3 | 25.1 | 19 | 18 | 5.6 | 100 | 31.7 | 44 | 12.1 | 8.2 | 4 | 100 | 14.1 | 37.8 | 20.1 | 19.8 | 8.2 | 100 |
| W | 310 | 536 | 279 | 112 | 33 | 1473 | 600 | 664 | 138 | 62 | 15 | 1479 | 265 | 572 | 228 | 150 | 31 | 1246 |
| WMS | 3.8 | 3.9 | 3.3 | |||||||||||||||
| Res. Result | Positive | Positive | Positive | |||||||||||||||
Table 4 answers research question 1 on audience viewing habits and shows the viewing habits of the urban dwellers as indicated by PHALGA and OBALGA with weighted mean scores (WMS) of 3.8 and 3.9, respectively, indicating positive while EMULGA, a rural area, has a WMS of 1.6 indicating negative. It goes to show that comparatively, urban dwellers view Reality TV shows more than rural viewers. The study acknowledges that other factors are responsible for this outcome beyond the case of rural viewers. The reasons adduced were lack of electricity in the rural areas, low area coverage by the local television stations, and most terrestrial local stations have also gone digital as cable pay TV. Therefore, they cannot be accessed by the rural dwellers due to the subscription cost. As well, to the infrastructural deficiencies in the rural areas, the programme types enjoyed by urban dwellers are not the same as rural dwellers. This notion, therefore, supports the motivation theory that holds that the force "that initiates, chaperons, and sustains goal-oriented behavior" must be such that resonates with the viewers of the programmes. This is primarily so because researchers have stressed that it is what causes people to take action and that such forces could be "biological, social, emotional, cognitive or environmental" (Nabi et al., 2003).
Table 5 answers research question 2 on the issue of perception of Reality TV shows by urban and rural dwellers. The table indicates that the perception of Reality TV was positive by urban viewers with a cumulative weighted mean score of 7.8. It signifies that urban viewers see the programme as educative in that it boosts and refreshes the memory of things they may have forgotten. The programme is considered informative, letting the audience members know of ideas, events, and places while being entertained. Its dramatic components of suspense, emotional outbursts, the denouement of the episodes, and the entertainment value presented help viewers engaged in discussions while relaxing at home. Also, it brings about bonding with family and friends. Rural viewers presented 1.64 WMS, indicating negative perception. This is likely due to the low educational level of the viewers since some of the topics assumed both national and international coverage and could be beyond their comprehension and intellectual appeal. Also, the negative perception was attributed to the fact that 73.5% of rural viewers do not believe that the giveaway money was real but see it as a marketing gimmick.
Table 6 answers the question of how Who Wants to be a Millionaire Reality TV programme influence the attitudes of urban and rural dwellers. It addressed the reality TV game show's attitudinal influence on urban and rural dwellers in Rivers States, Nigeria. The weighted mean scores (WMS) for PHALGA and OBALGA that represent the urban areas were both positive, with 3.8 and 3.9, respectively, while EMULGA had 3.3 WMS, which was also positive. The data, therefore, establish that Reality TV programme has a positive influence on both urban and rural viewers. The result also presented the entertainment element of the programme that is consistent with the Entertainment-Education (EE) concept. Who Wants to be a Millionaire revolves around entertainment and simultaneously possesses educational values. These dual values are anchored on the application of humour and suspense as vehicles for delivering the educational value covered in each game show episode that helps broaden the viewers' horizons. While people enjoy the entertainment provided by the show, they inadvertently learn certain lessons even as they are motivated by the monetary rewards to stay watching the programme.
Particularly in the age of information and communication technologies (ICTs), the expansion of sponsorship communication has been fairly remarkable on a global scale. The effectiveness of many corporate organizations' marketing initiatives has grown due to the understanding that Reality TV programmes become good vehicles for communicating sponsored messages. This explains why reality television shows are well-liked by viewers worldwide (Baltruschat, 2009; Das et al., 2021). The Who Wants to be a Millionaire case in Nigeria among urban and rural populations is similar (Okhale, 2012; Bada, 2019; Iyorza, 2021; Yahaya and Jonah, 2021). This study, however, revealed that urban viewers of reality television watch it more frequently than rural viewers.
Additionally, an empirical analysis of Reality TV programmes found that "the public perceived the 'real' in reality genre as somewhat manufactured and content less informative" (Olaniran, 2021, p.24). The audience of Who Wants to be a Millionaire perceives the "real" in the game show, according to this study, to a certain level. It disputes, however, that the information is less informative. The study's empirical findings demonstrated that urban viewers had a favourable opinion of reality television. This suggests that because the programme gives urban viewers a reliable platform to learn about ideas, events, and locations while being entertained, they consider it as being very educational and instructive. Even though rural viewers expressed an unfavourable opinion of the show, it is probably because of the comparatively low level of education.
Conclusion
This study has examined the Reality TV viewership patterns of both urban and rural dwellers in Rivers State of Nigeria, using Who Wants to be a Millionaire as a swivel of analysis and discussion. According to the survey, urban viewers of reality television watch it more frequently than rural viewers. Additionally, it was discovered that reality television consumption habits in urban and rural areas differed significantly. While the urban audience thought the programme to be very informative, the rural audience did not. This was due to a variety of factors, including the rural population's lack of education, the issues covered, and the lack of basic facilities like power. The study found that viewers in both urban and rural areas benefit from reality television. The conclusion reached is that the programme was perceived positively as indicated by its broad-based audience and its very educational content. Reality TV has become an inclusive vehicle for marketing products and services. Given its importance, the following recommendations are made: Given the wide coverage of the MTN network, and seeing the low literacy level of Nigerians, especially rural dwellers, the producers and sponsors of Who Wants to be a Millionaire should consider the periodic production and broadcast of the programme, in the Pidgin English or further adapted into local languages to allow the illiterate and semi-literate subscribers to participate fully. Second, to douse the tension and suspense created by the presenter and the participants, it is suggested that some music videos be introduced to help both participants and viewers relax while watching the programme. MTN should consider putting up non-paying viewing centers supported with a solar energy storage solution for electricity to grant rural viewers access to watch the programme, thereby broadening its brand penetration strategy and expanding its corporate social responsibility in Nigeria.
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